OCO - IM

Por Ralph Espach, Javier Meléndez Quiñonez, Daniel Haering, Miguel L. Castillo Girón, CNA

Las redes del narcotráfico operan con mayor intensidad en las comunidades sobre o cerca de las rutas de contrabando, muchas de los cuales se encuentran en las regiones fronterizas. La falta de presencia del Estado deja a estas comunidades vulnerables a la explotación por parte de grupos criminales que aplican una variedad de tácticas - tanto las amenazas y acciones de violencia como la distribución del dinero, los servicios públicos, y otros beneficios - para obtener el compromiso, la aceptación, o en algunos casos, incluso el apoyo de los residentes locales.

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El impacto del crimen organizado en el sistema político en América Latina

Por Dirk Kruijt, Instituto Holandés para la Democracia Multipartidaria (NIMD)

Este estudio hace un análisis comparado del impacto del crimen organizado y específicamente la criminalidad relacionada con las drogas, en el sistema político latinoamericano y del Caribe. Colombia y México sufren impactos fuertes por la violencia criminal. La característica predominante de estos dos países es que el cultivo de la coca y la producción de la cocaína son estrictamente ilegales y penalizados. La estrategia vigente en ambos países es una respuesta militar, con fuerte apoyo financiero y de inteligencia de los organismos del Gobierno estadounidense. Perú y Bolivia, países que cultivan la coca y producen la cocaína, son significativamente más tolerantes hacia los cocaleros, que generalmente son campesinos pobres que cultivan la coca. Estos dos países son menos afectados por la violencia relacionada con el crimen. El nivel de violencia directamente asociada con el cultivo de la coca y la producción de cocaína es extremadamente alto en Colombia, asombrosamente moderada en el Perú, y considerablemente bajo en Bolivia.

Killings, Torture, and Disappearances in Mexico’s “War on Drugs”.

Human Rights Watch, November 2011.

How have the security forces performed? Two years ago Human Rights Watch set out with this question. To answer it, we conducted in-depth research in five states significantly affected by drug-related violence: Baja California, Chihuahua, Guerrero, Nuevo León, and Tabasco. We conducted more than 200 interviews with a wide array of government officials, security forces, victims, witnesses, human rights defenders, and others. We also analyzed official statistics, gathered data through public information requests, and reviewed case files, legal proceedings, and human rights complaints, among other forms of evidence. What we have found is a public security policy that is badly failing on two fronts. It has not succeeded in reducing violence. Instead, it has resulted in a dramatic increase in grave human rights violations, virtually none of which appear to be adequately investigated. In sum, rather than strengthening public security in Mexico, Calderón’s “war” has exacerbated a climate of violence, lawlessness, and fear in many parts of the country.

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By Carlos Antonio Flores, OpenDemocracy, October 2011.

It is surprising, to say the least, to find an OECD member country suffering such levels of organized criminal violence as Mexico does, a nation which a decade ago was supposedly welcoming a new era of freedom and progress after the electoral defeat of one of the oldest authoritarian regimes in the world. Images of the carnage have travelled the globe: beheadings, maimed corpses, brutal tortures, massive clandestine graves which together have generated a mountain of dead bodies. In only four years, the toll of murders supposedly related to organized crime exceeds 40,000.

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Antonio L. Mazzitelli, Western Hemispheric Security Analysis Center.

The 10th Parallel marine and aerial routes linking South America and West Africa harbor a long history of trade between the two continents. More recently, these routes have become one of the preferred routes used by Latin American traffickers for shipping multi-tons of cocaine destined for the growing European market. The Parallel‘s growing importance in cocaine trafficking has made it known as cocaine Highway 10 among law enforcement. Latin American cocaine trafficking organizations, particularly the Colombian ones, have established stable bases in West Africa, controlling and developing the route. West African facilitators, Nigerians as well as an increasing number of nationals from all countries where shipments are stocked, have developed a stronger capacity for taking over a more ambitious and lucrative role in the business as transporters, partners, and final buyers.